Interview: Andrew Yang, Taiwan's Deputy Defense Minister

Defense News

08/08/2011

Interview

ANDREW YANG

Taiwan’s Deputy Defense Minister

By Wendell Minnick in Taipei.

Taiwan’s Ministry of National Defense (MND) continues to maintain a strong deterrence in the face of a growing Chinese military threat. The island state’s future is uncertain as the U.S. and China grow closer and Washington wavers on the sale of new F-16 fighter jets. This makes Nien-Dzu “Andrew” Yang’s role as the MND’s policy coordinator a challenge.



The stakes are high. Should China capture or confederate Taiwan, the potential is great for destabilizing the region. China, which continues to threaten to impose unification by force, has more than 1,400 short-range ballistic missiles aimed at Taiwan. The MND, meanwhile, faces budget constraints as it struggles to implement an all-volunteer force, begin an expensive streamlining program, pay for $16 billion in new U.S. arms released since 2007, and convince Washington to sell it F-16s and submarines. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announced recently the decision would be made by Oct. 1.



Adding to the confusion, since 2008, China and Taiwan have signed historic economic agreements that are moving them closer together. Taiwan has just opened the floodgates for mainland Chinese visitors, prompting fears of an increase in espionage and agents of influence here.



Yang is a former secretary-general of the Chinese Council of Advanced Policy Studies and adviser to the Mainland Affairs Council, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the MND. 



Q. China now has unprecedented influence over the U.S. with its economic, diplomatic and military muscle. How can Taiwan expect the U.S. to continue to defend Taiwan?



A. We are certainly aware that Beijing is a very important global and regional power and has close mutual interests with the United States. High-level visits are becoming regular in intensity.

Beijing is increasing their influence over Washington decision­making not only over Taiwan, but over other important regional and global issues.

We firmly believe that Washington still plays great influence in Asia and has repeatedly made strong commitments to regional security. Taiwan is a very important factor contributing to the multilateral effort to preserve peace and stability in this region. So I do not think the United States will tip over to Beijing’s side and ignore its vested interest in the Asia-Pacific region, particularly Taiwan. The U.S.
has repeatedly emphasized they will continue to honor the Taiwan Relations Act and provide adequate and necessary articles to enhance our self-defense. 



Q. How has the U.S. reacted to a reduction of tension between China and Taiwan since Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou’s 2008 election?



A. The U.S. fully supports President Ma’s strategy and approaches.

They consider his approach as a way to de-escalate tensions and find opportunities to enhance peace dividends and to reduce misunderstanding and miscalculation.

This has, in a way, made Beijing less belligerent toward Taiwan.

Q. Has China reduced the military threat against Taiwan, or the number of missiles aimed at Taiwan?



A. No, they have not done anything yet. There has been nothing from Beijing’s top leadership on the issue. I think Beijing considers that both sides can create a new kind of status quo based on engagement. It doesn’t mean that Beijing is reducing its military preparations over Taiwan, but they have to think twice in terms of their approach.

There are more mutual interests involved, not just between Taiwan and mainland China, but also multilateral interests in this region, which Beijing needs to continue to develop its economy and stabilize its society. So Beijing has to make some kind of calculation here — whether to rock the boat for the sake of pursuing Beijing’s unification policy, either by force or by other means; or work side-by-side with Taiwan and regional partners to create a more stable and prosperous environment. 



Q. As the U.S. becomes economically weaker and defense budgets are slashed, many in China see the U.S. as a declining superpower. Will this encourage Chinese adventurism?



A. If you look at Chinese President Hu Jintao’s visit to Washington earlier this year, it seems to me that from the policymaker’s point of view, they don’t look at each other as enemies. That’s number one.

They are still reaching out to each other to the best of their ability to create a win-win situation. Froma Chinese leaders’ comments, they are not taking advantage of U.S.
weakness to advance Chinese strategic or national interests in this region. They still emphasize that China should work along with the U.S. to resolve many problems around the world. 



Q. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has said the U.S. will decide about the sale of 66 F-16C/D fighters by Oct. 1.

What do you think Beijing’s reaction will be if the U.S. releases new F-16s to Taiwan? China calls it a “red line.”

A. They will be extremely unpleasant and upset, as they always are.

They’ve been calling everything a red line for 30 years, ever since 1979, when the U.S. switched relations from Taipei to Beijing.



If we don’t get the F-16C/Ds to replace our vintage fighters, then we lose our leverage and immediately face the challenge of fulfilling our responsibility of preserving peace and stability in the region.



Washington sometimes does not get the right picture of Taiwan’s responsibility. That is part of the reason we want new fighters. Otherwise, the U.S. has to send its own military to replace our daily patrols in the region.

China has already sent a strong warning to Washington that if such a decision is adopted, then U.S.-China relations will be damaged.



Cutting off regular military exchanges is one way to show Beijing’s animosity. But if we look at previous experiences, they will be downgraded for a while, but they have strong mutual interests binding each other together. So they have to make a decision on what will be the next step. 



Q. Economic sanctions?



A. I don’t think Beijing will take drastic economic actions against the U.S., because they have a lot of investments, including huge foreign reserves in U.S. banks. If the U.S.
economy suffers, Beijing suffers. 



Q. The U.S. offered Taiwan eight submarines in 2001, but the deal has been stalled. What’s the status?



A. It’s a long-delayed decision by the U.S. We are constantly urging them to pay attention to our concerns because we consider submarines to be important to our self­defense. 



Q. What would happen if China took control of Taiwan and placed bases here? 



A. It opens the door for Chinese military and power projection not only into the East China Sea, but also into the South China Sea. Taiwan would become an important hub and stepping stone for China to exert and expand its presence in the South China Sea, which is certainly not in the U.S. interest. It would immediately challenge U.S.
strategic calculations and its security umbrella in the Asia-Pacific region. If Taiwan becomes part of China in terms of political integration in the future, then immediately the United States will lose a vital interest in this part of the world. 



Q. There has been talk about beefing up Taiwan’s military presence on Taiping Island in the South China Sea.



A. We are not ruling out our options. But the current decision adopted by the National Security Council and the president is to improve and reinforce the Coast Guard’s capability on the island. So the Marines are training the Coast Guard members stationed on the island. We are also evaluating whether they can actually perform the assigned responsibilities and duties to protect the island and conduct judicial patrol over the waters.



We will never allow China to step onto the island. It is part of our territory, under our management.

There is no room for compromise. 



Q. Is the primary Chinese military threat amphibious invasion or missile bombardment?



A. It’s a combination. They have all sorts of options at hand.

Of course, Beijing will use the minimum military option to achieve maximum political objectives. Our way of defending ourselves is to make sure they pay a high price and cannot succeed in achieving their political objectives. We have to make sure that if Beijing launches missiles against Taiwan, they cannot immediately compromise our defense and force Taiwan to come to terms with Beijing.




Q. Is the streamlining program still on schedule? You are going from conscription to an all-volunteer military force.



A. It is very much on schedule. By law, we have to implement this streamlining process starting in January. We have to implement the all-volunteer program.

It’s an incremental process. We are not targeting any particular date to complete this transformation. Certainly, they are predicated on continuous sufficient resource allocation and support from the legislature. 



Q. Do you worry about Beijing becoming more nationalistic, more aggressive?



A . It is always a major concern.

China is a dynamic society. You have many forces inside China.

People only talk about the good side of Chinese development, but not many pay great attention to the challenges and the difficulties.

They are facing increasing domestic problems. We hope the Chinese government can have better management of those problems, but you never know. We worry about succession. Beijing is going to have a top leadership change next year, so who will be the official leader? What does he think about Taiwan? What will be his priorities? We don’t want to wake up to a renegade in charge of China who fires missiles over the Taiwan Strait. 



Q. How good is Taiwan’s intelligence inside China?



A. We are collecting good stuff, at least from our neighborhood. We also share our intelligence during regular meetings with the United States and others. We are much better off than our counterparts, like Japan and the U.S. The U.S.
has its satellite images, but we have our human intelligence, and our analysts are resourceful. We have analysts who have spent 30 years watching China.



Did Taiwan Rescue a U.S. Spy Plane?

Defense News

07/26/2011

Did Taiwan Rescue a U.S. Spy Plane?

By WENDELL MINNICK

The U.S. Pacific Command did not respond to inquiries about the incident.

An MND source said it is not Taiwan's duty to protect U.S. surveillance aircraft and the incident is not considered serious.

"There is a line between the two sides, and if any Chinese aircraft flies too close, we will respond," he said. "If they cross the line, we treat it as a hostile act, but occasionally they fly close to the line, and to be honest, this happens all the time and is not a real problem."

The June 29 incident was an "unintentional" and "inadvertent" incursion by Chinese fighter aircraft, he said. "The Chinese military has no intention of antagonizing Taiwan" because relations across the Strait are "calm" and there is "no reason for trouble."

The news comes as Taipei pushes the U.S. to release 66 F-16C/D fighters. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announced last week that Washington would make a final decision on the fighters by Oct. 1.

Local media reports said the Su-27s were trying to catch a U-2 spy plane conducting a surveillance mission out of Osan Air Base, South Korea. The reports said the U-2 diverted to Kadena Air Base, Okinawa, to avoid the Chinese fighters.

But surveillance aircraft specialist Chris Pocock was skeptical. There are only three U-2s based in East Asia, all at Osan, to watch North Korea, Pocock said.

"They may also fly southwards along the China coast as far as Taiwan, but not on a routine basis," he said.

The aircraft might have been a U.S. Navy EP-3 Aries or U.S. Air Force RC-135, which operate at lower altitudes and have been harassed by Chinese fighters in the past.

In 2000, two Chinese J-8 fighters intercepted a U.S. Air Force RC-135 in international airspace above the East China Sea. A year later, a J-8 fighter collided with a U.S. Navy EP-3 Aries near Hainan Island in the South China Sea.

Despite Chinese complaints, the U.S. surveillance aircraft flies regular missions along China's coastline. They stay in international airspace because straying into Chinese territory would make them easy targets for S-300PMU-1/2 and Hongqi-10 surface-to-air missiles.

During the Cold War, Taiwan's Black Bat 34th Squadron flew similar missions with three P-3A Orion signals intelligence aircraft. As well, China shot down five U-2 spy planes operated by Taiwan's Black Cat 35th Squadron over Chinese territory. Both programs were handled by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency.

Taiwan will soon take delivery of 12 P-3C Orion maritime patrol aircraft for anti-submarine patrols. The aircraft will replace aging Grumman S-2T Tracker anti-submarine aircraft. Taiwan technically has two squadrons of the S-2T, but sources say that only a handful are still operational.

Taiwan has attempted to procure signals intelligence aircraft in the past from the U.S., but procurement problems and budget delays have hampered the acquisition. Taiwan has one EC-130 for surveillance operations, but it is limited in mission scope.

China’s AVIC Comes of Age

Defense News

07/25/2011

China’s AVIC Comes of Age

By WENDELL MINNICK 



TAIPEI — This year’s parade of revelations by China’s aerospace defense industry — new types of fighter jets, helicopters, unmanned aerial vehicles and airborne weapons — was a decade or more in the making. But analysts say the catalyst was the 2008 restructuring of state-owned Aviation Industry Corporation of China (AVIC).



Since December, new aircraft have emerged that were considered unthinkable five years ago: the J-20 stealth fighter, J-18 vertical/short­takeoff-and-landing fighter, J-15 carrier-borne fighter and L-15 lead-in fighter trainer. And that followed November’s Zhuhai air show, the biggest in China’s history, where major European and U.S. aerospace companies vied for space.



The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) had long struggled to lift its defense industry out of a morbid Communist system that mass­produced cheap copies of Russian junk. In 1993, the Chinese government spliced AVIC together from various parts of the former Ministry of Aerospace Industry and military­owned factories and research institutes.



Yet a decade ago, observers still joked that “R&D” at AVIC meant not “research and development” but “receive and duplicate.” So in 1999, the government attempted to encourage competition by splitting the company into AVIC I, centered on complex fixed-wing aircraft such as fighters and bombers, and AVIC II, which built smaller fixed-wing aircraft and helicopters.



The results were disappointing. AVIC II had “a real disadvantage” since it “got neither fighter aircraft or the commercial airliner business,” said Richard Bitzinger, a defense industry specialist at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Singapore.



So in 2008, the two were recombined.



“This pooling of expertise and resources, usually under the centralized direction of some top-notch talent … is the most efficient way of harnessing China’s limited capabilities and resources,” said Gary Li, an intelligence analyst for U.K.-based Exclusive Analysis.



Commercial aircraft operations were swept into the Commercial Aircraft Corporation of China (COMAC). Nominally independent, the new company holds many factories and facilities that are still under military control despite corporate facades. Still, the spinoff removed some of the export-control obstacles that had hindered cooperation with Western aerospace companies.



“The remerger is to more effectively utilize the excess capacity of AVIC II for commercial airliner production, especially future anticipated production,” Bitzinger said.



Today, AVIC and COMAC and their subsidiaries produce all Chinese-made aircraft and components. COMAC also is building two commercial airliners, the C919 and ARJ21.

Next Steps 



The sinking European economy may help weapons makers to overturn the 22-year-old embargo on selling arms to Beijing. That may help the Chinese defense industry advance, but it would likely be replaced by a code of conduct that continued to prevent the Chinese import of whole weapon systems such as the Eurofighter Typhoon, said Roger Cliff, a China defense specialist at the Project 2049 Institute.



Cliff said he doubts China’s military would be interested in importing such systems at this point, but “are undoubtedly interested in acquiring advanced military and dual-use technology from Europe, and my concern is that the lifting of the arms embargo will result in a loosening of controls on exports of technology from Europe to China.

Li said that China might not be interested in the Typhoon or Sweden’s Gripen fighter jet, but it most certainly would be interested in the Airbus A400M or other heavy airlifters that “would give the PLA a considerable boost in operational range and power projection.” The A400M has double the range and hauling capability of China’s aging Y-8 transport plane.



However, Li said he does not see the PLA relying too much on imported aircraft.



“It is generally a bad idea to be sitting in an aircraft that your potential adversaries know everything about,” he said.

U.S. To Decide on Taiwan F-16s Oct. 1

Defense News

07/22/2011

U.S. To Decide on Taiwan F-16s Oct. 1

By WENDELL MINNICK

TAIPEI - The Obama administration will make a final decision on the sale of 66 F-16C/D fighter jets to Taiwan by Oct. 1, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton told Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, on July 21.

Since 2006, the U.S. has repeatedly rejected Taiwan's letter of request (LOR) for new F-16C/D fighters. China has called the proposed sale, estimated to be worth more than $8 billion, a "red line."

Cornyn has been blocking Senate confirmation of William Burns, nominated to become deputy secretary of state, in an effort to pressure Clinton to approve the deal.

Clinton appears less than likely to upset recent progress in Sino-U.S. relations by releasing new fighters to Taiwan, although she might instead release a mid-life upgrade (MLU) package for the self-governing island's 146 aging F-16A/B fighters.

Last year, the U.S. accepted Taiwan's LOR for the $4.5 billion upgrade package, but then froze the release due to Chinese pressure.

A State Department release of the F-16A/B MLU "would be a reiteration of a decision that is already over one year old," said Rupert Hammond-Chambers, president of the U.S.-Taiwan Business Council. "It is not a new commitment."

Since 2007, the U.S. has released more than $16 billion in new arms to Taiwan. After each release, China has increased rhetorical threats and punitive actions. In January 2010, after Washington released a $6.4 billion arms deal to Taiwan, Beijing threatened economic punishment and canceled military exchanges.

Restarting the military dialogue with China has been difficult. Adm. Mike Mullen, chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, just concluded a trip to China to expand military relations. Though Mullen expressed concerns about China's military modernization after his trip, the U.S. appears committed to advancing strategic talks.

Clinton's announced deadline happens to fall on China's National Day, roughly equivalent to America's Fourth of July.

But Hammond-Chambers said the timing makes the release of new F-16s difficult for another reason: It is sandwiched between U.S. Vice President Joseph Biden's trip to China next month and Chinese President Hu Jintao's trip to Hawaii in November. Xi Jinping, Hu's anointed successor, will visit the U.S. this winter.

"It doesn't seem plausible that the Obama administration would stand-up for Taiwan policy in the face of two such senior visits from China," Hammond-Chambers said.

While the announcement to make a decision is welcome, "We suspect that the outcome simply reiterates decisions already made, and therefore fails to address Taiwan's central need - new combat aircraft to meet the growing threat from China," Hammond-Chambers said.

Andrew Yang, Taiwan's deputy minister of defense, said the release of new F-16s would not be the end of the world. China has been calling every arms sale a red line for 30 years, he said.

"China will be extremely unpleasant and upset," Yang said. "I don't believe they will take drastic action."

But a failure to release F-16s will damage Taiwan's ability to defend itself, he said. "If we don't have the required jets and replacement of vintage fighter aircraft, you lose your leverage."

Yang said Taiwan has the right to defend itself from outside aggression.

He confirmed that Taiwan's military is researching an electromagnetic pulse (EMP) weapon.

Taiwan also is developing new missiles, but Yang would not confirm whether the self-governing island is preparing to field the Hsiung Feng 2E land-attack cruise missile.

Yang said losing Taiwan to China would be catastrophic for U.S. military power in the Asia-Pacific region. If China built military bases on the island, they would threaten U.S. military dominance of the East China Sea and South China Sea.

The deputy defense minister said Washington also would lose a vital intelligence collector.

"We are collecting good stuff," and sharing it with the U.S., he said.

Taiwan's fighters are aging; meanwhile, China revealed in December its J-20 stealth fighter, and it is preparing sea trials of its first aircraft carrier by the end of the year.

Taiwan has 126 Indigenous Defense Fighters (IDFs), 56 Mirage 2000s, 146 F-16A/Bs and about 60 F-5E/F Tigers. The F-5s and Mirages have serious maintenance problems and will be retired within a decade.

Taiwan's state-run Aerospace Industrial Development Corp. is upgrading 71 IDFs, with delivery scheduled by 2014, and it could upgrade the remaining 55 IDFs if the F-16C/Ds are not approved. Taiwan also has an option to build a new C/D variant of the IDF, but this will not fill the fighter gap with China.

Keeping the Peace in Massive, Complex Arena

Defense News

07/18/2011

Keeping the Peace in Massive, Complex Arena 



U.S. PACOM Chief Faces Varied Challenges in Far-flung Command




By VAGO MURADIAN and WENDELL MINNICK 



SINGAPORE — U.S. Pacific Command’s top combatant commander, Adm. Robert Willard, contends with a myriad of problems over a region covering 50 percent of the world’s surface area and 60 percent of the world’s population. His area of responsibility includes 36 countries, 20 territories and 10 U.S. territories and possessions.



Willard has the difficult task of keeping the peace in North Korea and the South China Sea; strengthening alliances with Japan, the Philippines, Thailand, Australia and South Korea; and advancing partnerships with countries like Singapore and Indonesia — all with very different security concerns. 



Q. In light of U.S. defense budget cuts, what do you see as your priorities?



A. Forward presence and the continued engagement to grow capacity and capability among our partners. The forward presence piece of this equation for the U.S. Pacific Command is of paramount importance. We are always either downsizing or upsizing, depending on the global security environment, and 2011 is no different. And so as we see ourselves likely succumbing to a very difficult budget environment, I think it is very important to look at the entire world and the security situation there and recognize that all parts of the world are not equal, and recognize the importance that Asia plays and the U.S. military plays in its presence out here. 



Q. How will budget cuts influence the AirSea Battle concept?



A. I think that regardless of the budget situation, it is a very important advancement. If you remember back to Ground Air Battle many years ago, I think that served the Air Force and Army very well in bringing the two services back together.



AirSea Battle in the same way attempts to accomplish maximum synergy between not just the Navy and the Air Force, but recognizing where in the expeditionary and maritime domain the Marine Corps and Army fit. It is intended to tackle how to accomplish maximum synergy between these services from the process end — the tactics, techniques and procedures end — all the way to the future technologies end in a very calculating way. It does, in fact, focus on the ability to deal in anti-access area denial environments. 



Q. China’s military modernization is a concern. Is the U.S. going to be sidelined by China in the region over time?

A. I don’t think the United States will get sidelined. The approach is a bit schizophrenic. On the one hand, we have the uncertainty of a China military buildup that we have to contend with and prepare for the worst. On the other hand, my responsibility is to improve the military relationship with China and see that all that combat power and capability at end-game becomes a contributor to regional security and not a detriment.



And that is a difficult balance to strike over time. It requires that we achieve what we have been seeking, and that is continuous dialogue with the People’s Liberation Army and the Chinese government.



While you have seen improvement indicated over the last several months, I think that the litmus test will be the next time that our two governments disagree and what happens. So we will continue to work the relationship, which is U.S.
PACOM’s greatest management challenge. 


Q. In the past few weeks, there have been problems with China in the South China Sea involving the Philippines and Vietnam. How concerned are you?



A. Yes, it concerns me. Any time there are confrontations that have the potential to lead to conflict in the South China Sea, it is concerning. We maintain a continuous presence here. We all witnessed an assertiveness out of China in 2010, and that was concerning to the entire region. The United States does not take sides in these contested areas in the South China Sea, and we are deeply committed to continued security and peace. Too much is at stake. 



Q. What is the worst-case scenario?

What keeps you up at night? 



A. I think that the most immediate danger to the Asia-Pacific is North Korea and their unpredictability — the fact that they are nuclearizing and that has not been stopped. And the two provocations that occurred in 2010, the sinking of the Cheonan and the attack on Yeonpyeong Island, were just criminal on the part of North Korea. They are proliferators, and we are concerned with the potential that they would proliferate the elements of weapons of mass destruction. So I think North Korea is particularly an acute challenge right now. 



Q. Relations with Vietnam are improving. In what direction do you see the U.S. military relationship with Vietnam going? How important is it to end restrictions under the U.S. International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR)?



A. I think it will be dictated very much by the Vietnamese. I would offer that the military-to-military relationship with the Vietnamese lagged the rest of government engagement with Vietnam, but was always positive. Incrementally, they were testing waters and improving and asking for new forms of engagement between us, and in recent years that is beginning to turn upward, not downward, in terms of pace. So there is more interest on the part of Vietnam in both the government and the military for increased military-to-military engagement. I am very optimistic that it will continue to advance, and we are actually looking for Vietnam to assume a bit more of a leadership role in the region when they see the opportunity, whether it is in peacekeeping operations or maritime security or dialogue. It is a good relationship and a growing relationship.



They certainly have an interest in ITAR restrictions being lifted.
Our position for some number of years has been that the restrictions are not being tested yet in the relationship. While it remains an irritant for the Vietnamese, the fact is until we test the limits of it, there is little requirement to seek relief from the U.S. Congress. 



Q. What do you think of the recent white papers questioning the staying power of the U.S. in the region?



A. It is a long-standing refrain here. [Defense] Secretary [Robert] Gates would be the first to admit that there have been decades where U.S. interest and presence and voice in Asia has waned and we have not been as consistent as we should be, given the importance of the region. So the concern of the region has always been that the United States would withdraw as the principal underpinning of security out here. There is no intention to do that.



I think you will see an Asia that is nervous that Secretary Gates is leaving, and they want to get to know his successor and determine whether or not the successor is equally committed to the region. I am confident that within DoD, we understand the growing importance of Asia to the United States and to the world and intend very much to maintain a continuous presence. 



Q. Many argue that we ignored the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the rest of Asia during the past 10 years of war in Afghanistan and Iraq. Are we back?



A. I would categorize it a bit differently. I think that ASEAN had matured to the point where there was a willingness to tackle the difficult issues and invite the foreign powers in to help with that.
 So to be more inclusive and more substantive, and I think that when that began to occur, the U.S. began to express great interest in ASEAN. 



Q. Does Asia need a NATO-like organization?



A. I have spent a lot of years out here and I have seen proposals come and go for different security organizations. The fact is that in the past several years, we have seen ASEAN as an organization grow from five nations to now 10 nations with many offshoots.



ASEAN has become the multilateral organization of choice. Not that ASEAN has evolved to become anything like NATO, but I have been satisfied to see ASEAN advance to the point they are willing to carry on discussion as it relates to security in the region and be willing to have a unified voice, more or less, on very important issues in the region. 



Q. You have spent a long time here in this region and you are reaching the pinnacle of your career. What are the top lessons you have learned that you would pass along to your relief?



A. I think that, first of all, understanding the complexity of the Asia-Pacific region. Northeast Asia is not Southeast Asia, it is not Oceania and is not South Asia.



They all have their own challenges and their own unique complexities. You cannot clump the sub-regions as one thing. Southeast Asia is a complex mix of countries, histories, militaries, animosities and challenges. We have to understand them one by one. So the commander that follows me has got to endeavor to both understand this region nation by nation, and impart that to his subcommanders and have it filter down to the unit level commanders that visit these nations.



Certainly our national strategies vis-à-vis the region need to be understood. And the underlying policies need to be understood both from a U.S. direction and from the region’s direction back toward us. The fact we underwrite in many ways the security of the region, both in our presence here by the military forces and our continued engagement, and also by the strong alliances and partnerships that we are attempting to advance, cannot be sacrificed.

Mullen's Visit Helps U.S.-China Military Relations

Defense News

07/15/2011

Mullen's Visit Helps U.S.-China Military Relations

By WENDELL MINNICK

TAIPEI - Last week's visit to China by Adm. Mike Mullen, the chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, is further evidence that military relations are improving and will continue to do so, barring new arms sales to Taiwan.

Mullen's trip follows a May visit to the U.S. by Gen. Chen Bingde, the chief of the general staff, People's Liberation Army.

Chen's admission that China was developing an anti-ship ballistic missile, the DF-21D, was "quite candid," said Bonnie Glaser, a China specialist at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. "Our two militaries need to be very direct with each other about their concerns, and answer questions about capabilities as well as intentions."

During the four-day visit, Mullen and Chen announced plans for joint exercises and continued dialogue on a variety of issues, including continued working groups under the Maritime Consultative Agreement; hospital ships of the two navies will conduct exchanges and carry out joint medical and rescue exercises and the armed forces of both sides will conduct joint humanitarian rescue exercises and anti-piracy patrol drills in the Gulf of Aden.

Both sides discussed maritime disputes in the South China Sea, cybersecurity, arms sales to Taiwan, China's military modernization, recent U.S.-Philippines joint military drills and upcoming U.S.-Vietnam naval drills.

Chen said he was "glad to witness the rejuvenation of bilateral military relations, as they are often hard-won and should be treasured." The question remains on how Taiwan will readjust to enhanced U.S.-China military relations. Taiwan is pushing the U.S. to sell it new F-16 fighters, and China has called any deal a "red line."

The timing of Mullen's visit to China appears calculated by Beijing to "short-circuit" any release of F-16s to Taiwan, said Dean Cheng, a China specialist at the Heritage Foundation. "By inviting Admiral Mullen to visit, and his decision to go, it ensured that it would be 'inconvenient' for the U.S. to jeopardize Washington-Beijing exchanges with an arms sale."

However, Mullen reminded the Chinese of U.S. laws tied to the Taiwan Relations Act that "we honor," which facilitate arms sales to Taiwan. Chen reminded Mullen that the "sole purpose" of China's force development was to "ensure territorial integrity, national security and to prevent secessionist forces from Taiwan to separate Taiwan from the country."

Another concern is how China will behave at this week's Regional Forum of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Bali where disputes over the South China Sea will be center stage. "Will the U.S. administration continue to support the Southeast Asians, or is the Mullen visit intended to signal the U.S. backing away from the position enunciated by Secretary of State Clinton a year ago?" Cheng said.

During a joint press conference with Adm. Mullen, Gen. Chen said, "China has undisputable sovereignty over islands in South China Sea and its peripheral waters." Chen also said the U.S. was committed to staying out of territorial disputes in the South China Sea.

As a sign of increased rhetoric, earlier this month Shen Hong-fang, a researcher at the Center of Southeast Asian Studies at Xiamen University, said that Chinese military "hard-liners" were prepared to "launch a war against the invaders" of Chinese territory in the South China Sea and that "it is the right time to adopt necessary measures to teach some countries a lesson."

A Chinese policy analyst in Beijing said Shen was "speaking for herself" and not for the Chinese government. Shen's comments were "reckless" and a sign of the "upsurge in nationalism" that has, in many cases, "tied the hands of Chinese leaders." This has forced Beijing to take a stand on many issues that are counterproductive for the country, he said.

Mullen said China's military had conducted itself more responsibly since the 2001 EP-3 surveillance aircraft incident involving a collision with a Chinese fighter off the coast of southern China.

"I haven't seen any hot-dogging … any off-the-reservation kinds of things with respect to the Chinese military."

Though Mullen admitted there had been "some close calls" over the past 10 years, the EP-3 incident "put everybody on guard" to avoid a repeat.

China's Silver Hawk UAV Program Advances

Defense News

07/14/2011

China's Silver Hawk UAV Program Advances

By WENDELL MINNICK

TAIPEI - China has developed a UAV for use by the People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) for communications relay missions aboard Navy vessels at sea. The Silver Hawk made its first test flight on June 1 in the Binhai area in northeastern China.

According to an unconfirmed Chinese-language report, during a 3.5 hour flight test the Silver Hawk carried out a series of communications relay tests.

"This new communications relay UAV is consistent with the PLA's overarching doctrine of informatization and its ambition to make increasing use of unmanned systems," said Richard Fisher, senior fellow, International Assessment and Strategy Center. While its capabilities are not fully known, the UAV will likely allow division or brigade commands to better ensure integrity of communications.

"This version has not been previously disclosed and has likely been developed to include more versions, such as electronics warfare and electronics intelligence," he said.

A photograph appearing on a Chinese nongovernmental website, chinamil.com, shows what appears to be a modified ASN-209 outfitted with four upright vertical antennas on the body and the wings. The ASN-209 has direct line-of-sight (LOS) data link as well as ground-based and airborne data relay for beyond LOS missions. Produced by the ASN Technology Group in Xi'an, Shaanxi, China, the ASN-209 is a popular configuration used by other Chinese UAV programs.

"The PLA has been experimenting with a whole family of UAVs in recent years, but the ASN-209 has been the most popular one so far for tactical deployments," said Gary Li, intelligence analyst, UK-based Exclusive Analysis. Li has seen them used by reconnaissance battalions, artillery units and other ground-based units. These are company/battalion assets, as opposed to the medium-altitude long-endurance UAVs, which are considered strategic UAVs controlled directly by the PLA's General Staff Department, he said.

There are suspicions that PLAN destroyers used the same type of UAV during a naval foray through the Okinawa Strait last month, Li said.

"I can imagine the PLAN using them to buzz Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force vessels in the future, which would send the message across without provoking a major incident," as in the case when a Chinese Ka-28 anti-submarine warfare helicopter came within 100 meters of the Japanese destroyer Suzunami in April. Deploying them from PLAN vessels is the next logical step although the range of the ASN-209 is limited, he said. The ASN-209 has a maximum LOS of 200 kilometers and an endurance of 10 hours.

The ASN-209 configuration utilizes a twin-boom pusher layout with high-set wings and a stabilizer linking the twin fins. It uses the catapult rocket launch and parachute recovery system. The same configuration is used on other Chinese UAVs, including the SL-200 system built by the China Aerospace Science and Technology Corp. and the W-50 and PW-1/2 built by Nanjing Research Institute for Simulation Techniques.

The Silver Hawk is most likely powered by the same ASN-built 22-kilogram HS-700 engine that drives the ASN-206, 207 and 208 UAVs. According to a brochure acquired at the 2010 Zhuhai Airshow, the HS-700 has a high power-to-weight ratio and is suitable for either tractor or pusher installation.

"The HS-700 is a 51 horsepower air-cooled two-stroke flat-four piston engine driving a two-blade propeller," the brochure said.

Brunei and Singapore Conduct Pelican Exercises

Defense News

07/13/2011

Brunei and Singapore Conduct Pelican Exercises

By WENDELL MINNICK

TAIPEI, Taiwan - The Republic of Singapore Navy (RSN) and the Royal Brunei Navy (RBN) conducted the bilateral Exercise Pelican from July 10-13 in Brunei waters.

The RSN participated with a Formidable-class stealth frigate (RSS Stalwart), while the RBN joined the exercise with a new Darussalam-class offshore patrol vessel (KDB 07 Darulehsan) and two Itjihad-class corvettes (KDB 19 Syafaat and KDB 17 Itjihad).

Brunei took delivery of three new German-built Lurssen Werft Darussalam-class vessels this year. Each are armed with a Bofors 57mm in the 'A' position along with four Exocet MM40 anti-ship missiles.

Brunei also took delivery of four Lurssen Werft-built Itjihad-class corvettes in 2010. They are armed with a single Rheinmetall MLG 27 Gun in the 'A' position.

The RSN's anti-terrorist Accompanying Sea Security Team (ASSeT), responsible for safeguarding chemical and gas tankers, also took part in the exercise and conducted joint boarding training with personnel from RBN.

ASSeT members are trained in close quarter combat and Hapkido, a Korean marital art. In addition, both navies carried out joint discussions on naval helicopter operations and warfare tactics.

Hosted by Brunei, Exercise Pelican 2011 is the 31st in this series of bilateral exercises held since 1979. The exercise underscores the close defense ties between RSN and RBN.

The two navies also engage in a wide range of bilateral exercises and professional exchanges, which have enhanced the professionalism and strengthened ties between them.

Brunei just concluded its third Brunei Darussalam International Defence Exhibition (BRIDEX) from July 6-9. Organized by the Royal Brunei Technical Services, BRIDEX 2011 showcased the latest regional and international defense technologies and equipment in land, sea, air and security systems.

If F-16 Deal Rejected, Taiwan May Build Jets

Defense News

07/11/2011

If F-16 Deal Rejected, Taiwan May Build Jets

By WENDELL MINNICK 



TAIPEI — If the U.S. rejects Taiwan’s request for new F-16 fighter jets, it will not leave Taipei without options. Local defense analysts and officials say Taiwan could build its own fighters without U.S. government approval.



The state-run Aerospace Industrial Development Corp. (AIDC) has produced two prototypes of the new F-CK-1C/D Indigenous Defense Fighter (IDF). AIDC spent roughly $230 million from 2001 to 2007 under the Hsiang Sheng (Soaring Upgrade) program to develop a new fighter based on the IDF A/Bs built during the 1990s.



Since October 2006, the C/Ds have completed 400 flight tests. The fighters are outfitted with two conformal fuel tanks that enhance combat radius and endurance, a digital glass cockpit, and an enhanced Golden Dragon 53 multimode radar, based on the Lockheed Martin AN/APG-67 radar.



The C/Ds can carry 771 kilograms more fuel and payload than the A/Bs. AIDC strengthened the structure of the landing gear and incorporated a digital anti-skid system to prevent accidents during takeoff and landing, an AIDC official said.



The C/D doubles the load of Tien Chien 2 (Sky Sword) air-to-air missiles to four, and modifications allow it to carry the new Tien Chien-2A anti-radiation missile and the Wan Chien (Ten Thousand Swords) cluster bomb, both in development by the military-run Chungshan Institute of Science and Technology.



Taiwan’s Air Force initially rejected the C/D option in favor of pushing for new F-16s. However, AIDC was able to persuade the service in 2009 to go forward with a midlife upgrade package for 71 of the 126 IDF A/Bs. Minus conformal fuel tanks, the upgraded IDFs include many of the same improvements of the C/D variant. The first six upgraded IDF A/Bs were handed over to the Air Force on June 30.



An AIDC official said upgrades for the remaining 55 IDF A/Bs and full­rate production of the C/Ds might be approved if the U.S. fails to release the F-16s.



Taiwan and its supporters in Washington are raising pressure on the White House to release 66 F-16C/D Block 50/52 fighters and a midlife upgrade package for Taiwan’s remaining 146 F-16A/B Block 20 fighters.



The entire package could be worth $13 billion and 16,000 U.S. jobs. With Lockheed Martin cutting 1,500 employees due to the economy, pressure is mounting on the White House to ignore Chinese threats and move forward on the deal. China has successfully blocked the F-16C/D and A/B midlife upgrade sale since 2006 and 2009, respectively.



U.S. Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, is threatening to block the confirmation of William Burns as deputy secretary of state unless the White House approves the deal. And a group of Taiwan legislators is visiting Washington this week to push the C/D release, but some members have suggested the release of the F-16A/B midlife upgrade would be satisfactory if the proposed C/D sale encounters more problems. Production of the F-16, built by Lockheed, will end in 2013.

Reports of Taiwan Sub Missile Test False: Experts

Defense News

07/08/2011

Reports of Taiwan Sub Missile Test False: Experts

By WENDELL MINNICK

TAIPEI - Recent local media reports that Taiwan test-fired an anti-ship Hsiung Feng 2 (Brave Wind) missile from a Dutch-built Hai Lung (Sea Dragon) submarine during an exercise in late June now appear to be false.

On July 7, the Chinese-language Liberty Times reported the missile test, which was picked up by an English-language media service in Taipei without confirmation. The Liberty Times is closely linked to the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party, which opposes unification with China.

Taiwan's Hai Lung's have "absolutely no capability" of launching anti-ship missiles from their torpedo tubes, said a former Taiwan Navy official who worked with ordnance used on the submarines. "This is common sense since they still have problems with just launching torpedoes with the old fire control system."

A former U.S. defense official agreed the fire control system was antiquated.

"This technology is believed to require significant and costly annual care and maintenance," he said.

Taiwan has only two combat operational diesel submarines acquired in the 1980s from the Netherlands and midlife upgrades on both are on hold until the Navy can secure the funds. Taiwan also has two World War II-era Guppy submarines used for training. In 2001, the U.S. offered to sell Taiwan eight diesel submarines, but political and technical problems haunted the program from the beginning.

The U.S. released a $200 million package for 32 UGM-84L sub-launched Harpoon anti-ship missiles to Taiwan in 2008, but the Navy has not gone forward with the order due to submarine upgrade delays and other budgeting issues.

"One of the optimal solutions is to replace the existing fire control system with a new one that would have Harpoon processing and also the existing torpedo launch capability embedded in it - the upgraded or new fire control system also would be able to handle future torpedoes," the former U.S. official source said.

However, the Taiwan Navy appears to favor a stand-alone processing and control system with links to the Harpoon or Hsiung Feng missile. This creates problems because all interaction between the torpedo and the missile would have to be "manual and not automated - meaning more time, weight, efficiency; not to mention the missile would be fired with less accurate data," he said.

Taiwan's Air Force and Navy have been using Harpoon anti-ship missiles since the 1990s on fighter aircraft and surface ships, not submarines, and recent sales demonstrate a continued reliance on the U.S. system. On July 7, the Pentagon's Foreign Military Sales Program awarded Boeing a $27 million contract for the procurement of two Lot 86 Harpoon missile bodies, two exercise Grade B canister All Up Round (AUR) and eight anti-submarine rocket AURs for Taiwan.

Taiwan's military-run Chungshan Institute of Science and Technology (CSIST) does have an indigenous anti-ship missile program. The Hsiung Feng family includes three variants and CSIST is now working on a land-attack cruise missile, the HF-2E, capable of hitting targets in China.